GENERAL PLANNING

Quechua planners used resources and knowledge of ancestral cultures. That way they could improve the use of their geography in order to establish a system of human settlements, to create a road network and to improve communications, lodging and supplying substructures (a broad and complete study about this subject was done by Santiago Agurto from which some of this information was taken). It is obvious that Inkan City Planning depended on some elementary aspects, among which we can mention their deep pantheist religion that considered in a very special way their environment: the Pachamama (Mother Earth), the Apus and Aukis (Mountains' and Valleys' Spirits), the Wakas (Temples) framed in Ceques (imaginary lines with Waka successions). City Planning was also consequence of their broad pragmatism and the economic sense that an urban center represented. The Inkas, being a farming society had to reserve the best lands for their main activity without wasting them for temples or villages that were built in rustic terrains. Even inside the towns, the streets were always narrow to take a maximum advantage of the land. City Planning was also determined by some other order and authority elements, with their aforementioned principles of Bi, Tri and Fourth partition, Symmetry, Opposition, Repetition and Subordination. Two parts are found in the urban design of Inkan Qosqo City, Hanan Qosqo and Urin Qosqo (upper and lower Qosqo); four sectors corresponding to the four nations of the Tawantinsuyo; twelve neighborhoods resulting from dividing each sector in three; and the subdivision of each neighborhood in three sub-ones, Collana, Payan and Cayao. Hanan was more important than Urin; while that Chinchaysuyo opposed Collasuyo and Contisuyo to Antisuyo. City Planning had an integrating position too, thus it normally tried to be integrated with nature. That is the reason why the Inkan Society is classified as eminently ecologist. Commonly, inside an urban core its central part was occupied by temples and palaces, while that the peripheries by settlements in a decreasing way considering their importance.

The road network in pre-Hispanic Peru was really impressive for its age. It caused wonder among the first Europeans who visited the Tawantinsuyo and did not hesitate comparing it with that developed by Romans that were the only ones having something of such magnitude in the Old World. The road network had to allow a fast intercommunication between Qosqo and the entire Tawantinsuyo and vice versa. It was intended to get territorial integration, after giving security, relax and supplies for travelers, official suites or the army. It was supposed to allow an efficient production, gathering and redistribution of goods and raise tributary resources. Roads and paths had different categories, functions and characteristics according to their duties and the territory where they were located. In the coast they were just dusty ones but on a level higher than natural soil. Crossing the deserts there were pegs and even ropes to make their limits. In rainy and humid regions they were totally paved with cobbles or flagstones. All roads were always planned to give comfort to walking travelers. There was a road hierarchy with two important categories: the first category formed by the Inkañan (Inka Road) or royal roads that were, for example, the ones that united Qosqo and the four "Suyos", roads known as Qhapaq Ñan: principal or rich road. In this same category were the Hatun Ñan: big or broad road; they constituted the primary road network that had between 10 to 25 thousand Kms. (6200 to 15500 miles), with a width from 4 to 8 meters (13 to 26 ft). The second category was formed by the Runañan (peoples' road) or roads for common people; they served for communications between villages and districts. The road system went over the Tawantinsuyo longitudinal and transversely; all together it reached some 40,000 Kms. (some 25000 miles). This system was constantly supervised by officials following different hierarchies as the Qhapaq Ñan Tukuyrikuq, the Hatun Ñan Qamayoq or simply the Ñan Qamayoq.

Something very impressive were also the Bridges (Chaka) under the charge of the Chaka Qamayoq. Bridges that had to serve crossing rivers and had to be adapted to the site's topography, distance and materials availability. According to their construction procedure bridges can be grouped in:

a: Trunks and Logs Bridges. They were a favorite type when bridges were small.

b: Stone Bridges. Formed by slabs and they existed of two sorts: those of just one window, and those that presented many windows or spaces to let water flow.

c: Huaros, Uruyas or Oroyas, Tarabitas (in Ecuador). They were something like cable cars consisting in a very thick hemp rope woven in "chawar" fibers. The hemp rope was tied to thick trees or boulders, by which an osier basket having a thick wooden handle and transporting persons and goods was slid with the help of some other ropes.

d: Suspension Bridges. Constructed with thick hemp ropes and cords braided with "Ichu" the local wild bunch grass or fibers of "Pakpa" or Century Plants (Agave americana). Sometimes they were reinforced with leathers of South-American cameloids and tied to stone supports in both banks of the river forming a narrow but strong passage. The bridges of this type were known as " Simp'achaka" or "braided bridge". Today, the most eloquent example of this sort of bridge is that found in Qheswachaka over the Apurimac River.

e: Floating Bridges. Used to cross calm or detained

waters and made with different vegetal fibers. It is famous the bridge of this sort that existed in Inkan times over the Desaguadero River (Titicaca Lake) made with braided totora reeds that seemed to be a platform over which a large amount of reeds were sewn to the hemp ropes.

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